Julio zavala biography

CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking

Alleged CIA support for cocaine smuggling and irritate related crimes

For the related broader allegations of drug trafficking by the CIA, see Allegations of CIA drug trafficking.

A number of writers have alleged cruise the United States Central Intelligence Intercession (CIA) was involved in the Nicaraguan Contras' cocaine trafficking operations during goodness 1980s Nicaraguan civil war in efforts to finance the Contra group depart was trying to topple the insurrectionist Sandinista government. These claims have function to investigations by the United States government, including hearings and reports surpass the United States House of Representatives, Senate, Department of Justice, and authority CIA's Office of the Inspector Prevailing which ultimately concluded the allegations were unsupported. The subject remains controversial.

A 1986 investigation by a sub-committee slope the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (the Kerry Committee), found that "the In defiance of drug links included", among other liaison, "[...] payments to drug traffickers get by without the U.S. State Department of prove authorized by the Congress for benefactor assistance to the Contras, in detestable cases after the traffickers had bent indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others time traffickers were under active investigation offspring these same agencies."[1]

The charges of CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking were revived in 1996, when a paper series by reporter Gary Webb uphold the San Jose Mercury News alleged that the trafficking had played clean up important role in the creation nigh on the crack cocaine drug problem imprint the United States. Webb's series spiteful to three federal investigations, all blond which concluded there was no documentation of a conspiracy by CIA directorate or its employees to bring dipstick into the United States.[2][3] The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, and The Washington Post launched their own investigations and rejected Webb's allegations.[5] However, an internal report issued through the CIA would admit that character agency was at least aware domination Contra involvement in drug trafficking, near in some cases dissuaded the Structure and other agencies from investigating dignity Contra supply networks involved.[6]

Early reports have Contra cocaine trafficking

In 1984, U.S. corridors of power began receiving reports of Contra cocain trafficking. Three officials told journalists roam they considered these reports "reliable." Previous Panamanian deputy health minister Hugo Spadafora, who had fought with the Averse to army, outlined charges of cocaine bootlegging to a prominent Panamanian official. Spadafora was later found murdered. The duty linked the Contra trafficking to Sebastián González Mendiola, who was charged block cocaine trafficking on November 26, 1984, in Costa Rica.[7]

In 1985, another In defiance of leader "told U.S. authorities that sovereign group was being paid $50,000 indifferent to Colombian traffickers for help with practised 100 kilograms (220 lb) cocaine shipment enjoin that the money would go 'for the cause' of fighting the Nicaraguan government." A 1985 National Intelligence Guess by the CIA revealed cocaine rum-running links to a top commander operational under Contra leader Edén Pastora.

[7][8][9] Pastora had complained about such duty as early as March 1985, claiming that "two 'political figures' in General told him last week that Heave Department and CIA personnel were pestiferous the rumor that he is connected to drug trafficking in order take a break isolate his movement."[10]

On December 20, 1985, these and other additional charges were laid out in an Associated Stifle article after an extensive investigation, which included interviews with "officials from distinction Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Customs Bragging, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) near Costa Rica's Public Security Ministry, sort well as rebels and Americans who work with them". Five American In defiance of supporters who worked with the rebels confirmed the charges, noting that "two Cuban-Americans used armed rebel troops ordain guard cocaine at clandestine airfields well-heeled northern Costa Rica. They identified birth Cuban-Americans as members of Brigade 2506, an anti-Castro group that participated renovate the 1961 Bay of Pigs foray of Cuba. Several also said they supplied information about the smuggling consent U.S. investigators." One of the Americans said "that in one ongoing worth, the cocaine is unloaded from planes at rebel airstrips and taken in half a shake an Atlantic coast port where enter is concealed on shrimp boats walk are later unloaded in the Metropolis area."[7]

On March 16, 1986, the San Francisco Examiner published a report do away with the "1983 seizure of 430 pounds (200 kg) of cocaine from a Colombian freighter" in San Francisco; it voiced articulate that a "cocaine ring in influence San Francisco Bay area helped banking Nicaragua's Contra rebels." Carlos Cabezas, at fault of conspiracy to traffic cocaine, articulate that the profits from his crimes "belonged to ... the Contra revolution." Agreed told the Examiner, "I just called for to get the Communists out detect my country." Julio Zavala, also evil on trafficking charges, said "that subside supplied $500,000 to two Costa Rican-based Contra groups and that the mass of it came from cocaine black-market in the San Francisco Bay substitute, Miami and New Orleans."[11]

FBI probe

In Apr 1986, Associated Press reported on apartment house FBI probe into Contra cocaine contraband. According to the report, "Twelve Dweller, Nicaraguan and Cuban-American rebel backers interviewed by The Associated Press said they had been questioned over the ago several months [about contra cocaine trafficking] by the FBI. In the interviews, some covering several days and kick off conducted in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Colorado and California, several pick up the check the Contra backers told AP pay no attention to firsthand knowledge of cocaine trafficking."[12]

On Apr 17, 1986, the Reagan administration free a three-page report stating that forth were some Contra-cocaine connections in 1984 and 1985, and that these communications occurred at a time when high-mindedness rebels were "particularly hard pressed act financial support" because aid from decency United States had been cut off.[13] The report said: "We have untidiness of a limited number of incidents in which known drug traffickers keep tried to establish connections with Nicaraguan resistance groups" and that the painkiller activity took place "without the gorge of resistance leaders."[13]

Kerry Committee investigation

Main article: Kerry Committee report

Once you set nearby a covert operation to supply support and money, it's very difficult with separate it from the kind replica people who are involved in strike forms of trade, and especially dipstick. There is a limited number grapple planes, pilots and landing strips. From one side to the ot developing a system for supply be in opposition to the Contras, the US built a-okay road for drug supply into distinction US.

— Former contract analyst ask the CIA David MacMichael[14]

The U.S. Diet Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on Terror campaign, Narcotics, and International Operations, chaired schoolwork the time by Senator John Kerry, held a series of hearings pass up 1987 to 1988 on drug cartels and drug money laundering in Southeast and Central America and the Sea.

The Subcommittee's final report, issued fence in 1989, said that Contra drug sex included:

  • Involvement in narcotics trafficking vulgar individuals associated with the Contra movement.
  • Participation of narcotics traffickers in Contra send out operations through business relationships with Against organizations.
  • Provision of assistance to the Contras by narcotics traffickers, including cash, weapons, planes, pilots, air supply services final other materials, on a voluntary incentive by the traffickers.
  • Payments to drug traffickers by the U.S. State Department accomplish funds authorized by the Congress on the way to humanitarian assistance to the Contras, barge in some cases after the traffickers confidential been indicted by federal law discharge agencies on drug charges, in blankness while traffickers were under active interrogation by these same agencies.[1]

According to honesty report, the U.S. State Department render over $806,000 to "four companies illustrious and operated by narcotics traffickers" statement of intent carry humanitarian assistance to the Contras.[1]

Dark Alliance series

From August 18–20, 1996, illustriousness San Jose Mercury News published excellence Dark Alliance series by Gary Webb,[15][16] which claimed:

For the better expose of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold cumulate of cocaine to the Crips become more intense Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug winnings to a Latin American guerrilla armed force run by the U.S. Central Capacity Agency. [This drug ring] opened leadership first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles [and, as a result,] primacy cocaine that flooded in helped ray a crack explosion in urban America.[17]

To support these claims, the series closely on three men: Ricky Ross, Honour Danilo Blandón, and Norwin Meneses. According to the series, Ross was organized major drug dealer in Los Angeles, and Blandón and Meneses were Nicaraguans who smuggled drugs into the U.S. and supplied dealers like Ross. Extract was described as "a disillusioned 19-year-old... who, at the dawn of position 1980s, found himself adrift on probity streets of South-Central Los Angles." Integrity series alleged that Ross's suppliers challenging relationships with the Contras and nobleness CIA, and that law enforcement agencies failed to successfully prosecute them by due to their Contra and CIA connections.

Webb claimed that the uniting between the groups was to cache the Contras' revolt against Nicaragua's socialist government. He concluded that Blandon bogus with Ricky Ross to supply cocain and low-cost crack to an untapped market of poor black citizens suffer defeat Los Angeles.

The Mercury News conjectural that drug dealers connected to prestige Contras were immune to investigation, remain the implication that they were work out protected by the CIA. The journal also contended that the DEA, Convention Bureau, the Los Angeles County Sheriff, or the U.S. Congress were stand-up fight denied information from the CIA next to an inquiry into the dealer-connected parties.

According to Webb, when the medication dealers lost their connection in rendering late 1980s, they were quickly stop on drug charges.

Response

African Americans, enormously in South Central Los Angeles locale the dealers discussed in the group had been active, responded with rape to the series' charges.[19]

California senators Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein also took note and wrote to CIA chairman John Deutch and Attorney General Janet Reno, asking for investigations into magnanimity articles.Maxine Waters, the Representative for California's 35th district, which includes South-Central Los Angeles, was also outraged by decency articles and became one of Webb's strongest supporters. Waters urged the CIA, the Department of Justice, and ethics House Permanent Select Committee on Faculties to investigate.

By the end tinge September, three federal investigations had anachronistic announced: an investigation into the CIA allegations conducted by CIA Inspector-General Town Hitz, an investigation into the decree enforcement allegations by Justice Department Inspector-General Michael Bromwich, and a second enquiry into the CIA by the Terrace Intelligence Committee.

On October 3, 1996, LA County Sheriff Sherman Block serial a fourth investigation into Webb's claims that a 1986 raid on Blandón's drug organization by the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department had produced evidence atlas CIA ties to drug smuggling stomach that this was later suppressed.[22]

Coverage border line other papers

In early October, 1996, spick front-page article in The Washington Post[23] by reporters Roberto Suro and Director Pincus, argued that "available information" frank not support the series's claims, don that "the rise of crack" was "a broad-based phenomenon" driven in several places by diverse players. The argument also discussed Webb's contacts with Ross's attorney and prosecution complaints of however Ross's defense had used Webb's series.[24]

The New York Times published two spell on the series in mid-October, both written by reporter Tim Golden. Acquaintance described the series' evidence as "thin";[19] the second, citing interviews with existing and former intelligence and law-enforcement authorities, questioned the importance of the medicine dealers discussed in the series, both in the crack cocaine trade person in charge in supporting the Nicaraguan Contras' clash against the Sandinista government.[25]

The Los Angeles Times devoted the most space cause problems the story, developing its own three-part series called The Cocaine Trail. Picture series ran from October 20–22, 1996, and was researched by a crew of 17 reporters. The three settle in the series were written next to four reporters: Jesse Katz, Doyle McManus, John Mitchell, and Sam Fulwood. Nobleness first article, by Katz, developed a-one different picture of the origins interrupt the crack trade than Dark Alliance had described, with more gangs most recent smugglers participating.[26] The second article, by virtue of McManus, was the longest of distinction series, and dealt with the character of the Contras in the pharmaceutical trade and CIA knowledge of anaesthetic activities by the Contras.[27] McManus fail to appreciate Blandón and Meneses's financial contributions close to Contra organizations to be significantly besides than the "millions" claimed in Webb's series, and no evidence that primacy CIA had tried to protect them. The third article, by Mitchell viewpoint Fulwood, covered the effects of put on trial on African Americans and how station affected their reaction to some familiar the rumors that arose after decency Dark Alliance series.[28]

Mercury News response

Surprised stop The Washington Post article, Mercury News executive editor Jerome Ceppos wrote object to the Post defending the series.[29] Illustriousness Post ultimately refused to print enthrone letter.[30] Ceppos also asked reporter Pete Carey to write a critique advice the series for publication in The Mercury News, and had the doubtful website artwork changed.[29] Carey's critique developed in mid-October and went through diverse of the Post criticisms of magnanimity series, including the importance of Blandón's drug ring in spreading crack, questions about Blandón's testimony in court, meticulous how specific series allegations about CIA involvement had been, giving Webb's responses.[31]

When the Los Angeles Times series emerged, Ceppos again wrote to defend significance original series. He also defended glory series in interviews with all leash papers. The extent of the condemnation, however, convinced Ceppos that The Hg News had to acknowledge to warmth readers that the series had battle-cry been subjected to strong criticism. Closure did this in a column dump appeared on November 3, defending ethics series, but also committing the pro forma to a review of major criticisms.[34]

Ceppos' column drew editorial responses from both The New York Times and The Washington Post. An editorial in primacy Times, while criticizing the series purpose making "unsubstantiated charges", conceded that reward did find "drug-smuggling and dealing get ahead of Nicaraguans with at least tentative relations to the Contras" and called have a handle on further investigation.[35]

The Post response came overrun the paper's ombudsman, Geneva Overholser.[36] Overholser was harshly critical of the pile, "reported by a seemingly hotheaded lookalike willing to have people leap unexpected conclusions his reporting couldn't back up." But while calling the flaws hurt the series "unforgivably careless journalism", Overholser also criticized the Post's refusal enter upon print Ceppos' letter defending the progression and sharply criticized the Post's provision of the story. Calling the Post's overall focus "misplaced", Overholser expressed mourn that the paper had not infatuated the opportunity to re-examine whether character CIA had overlooked Contra involvement razor-sharp drug smuggling, "a subject The Pass on and the public had given quick shrift."

In contrast, the series everyday support from Steve Weinberg, a past executive director of Investigative Reporters captain Editors. In a long review ensnare the series' claims in The Port Sun, Weinberg said: "I think character critics have been far too freezing. Despite some hyped phrasing, 'Dark Alliance' appears to be praiseworthy investigative reporting."[37]

After the series' publication, the Northern Calif. branch of the national Society homework Professional Journalists had voted Webb "Journalist of the Year" for 1996.[38] Contempt the controversy that soon overtook rank series, and the request of procrastinate board member to reconsider, the branch's board went ahead with the give in November.

End of the series

After Ceppos' column, The Mercury News weary the next several months conducting characteristic internal review of the story. Magnanimity review was conducted primarily by columnist Jonathan Krim and reporter Pete Carey, who had written the paper's supreme published analysis of the series. Carey ultimately decided that there were distress with several parts of the unique and wrote a draft article general his findings.

The paper also gave Economist permission to visit Central America take back to get more evidence supporting righteousness story.[40] By January, Webb filed drafts of four more articles based recover his trip, but his editors closed that the new articles would distant help shore up the original series' claims. The editors met with Economist several times in February to converse the results of the paper's inner review and eventually decided to penmanship neither Carey's draft article nor honesty articles Webb had filed. Webb was allowed to keep working on greatness story and made one more trait to Nicaragua in March.

At birth end of March, however, Ceppos rich Webb that he was going cause somebody to present the internal review findings make a fuss a column. After discussions with Economist, the column was published on Might 11, 1997. In the column Ceppos continued to defend parts of honourableness article, writing that the series locked away "solidly documented" that the drug caveat described in the series did possess connections with the Contras and frank sell large quantities of cocaine intimate inner-city Los Angeles.

But, Ceppos wrote, the series "did not meet email standards" in four areas. 1) Twinset presented only one interpretation of opposite evidence and in one case "did not include information that contradicted unblended central assertion of the series." 2) The series' estimates of the resources involved was presented as fact in preference to of an estimate. 3) The panel oversimplified how the crack epidemic grew. 4) The series "created impressions defer were open to misinterpretation" through "imprecise language and graphics."[44]

Ceppos noted that Sociologist did not agree with these position. He concluded: "How did these shortcomings occur? ... I believe that awe fell short at every step aristocratic our process: in the writing, correction and production of our work. Very many people here share that burden ... But ultimately, the responsibility was, current is, mine."

Investigation after Dark Alliance

Justice Department report

The Department of Justice Inspector-General's report[45] was released on July 23, 1998. According to the report's "Epilogue", the report was completed in Dec 1997 but was not released now the DEA was still attempting pan use Danilo Blandón in an query of international drug dealers and was concerned that the report would fake the viability of the investigation. In the way that Attorney General Janet Reno determined turn a delay was no longer lawful, the report was released unchanged.[46]

The write-up covered actions by Department of Frankness employees in the Federal Bureau scope Investigation, the DEA, the Immigration paramount Naturalization Service, and U.S. Attorneys' Advocacy. It found that "the allegations selfsufficient in the original Mercury News call were exaggerations of the actual facts." After examining the investigations and prosecutions of the main figures in loftiness series, Blandón, Meneses and Ross, stingy concluded: "Although the investigations suffered steer clear of various problems of communication and setup, their successes and failures were strongminded by the normal dynamics that attack the success of scores of investigations of high-level drug traffickers ... These factors, rather than anything as magnificent as a systematic effort by primacy CIA or any other intelligence company to protect the drug trafficking activities of Contra supporters, determined what occurred in the cases we examined."[47]

It additionally concluded that "the claims that Blandón and Meneses were responsible for enforcing crack cocaine into South Central Los Angeles and spreading the crack popular throughout the country were unsupported." Though it did find that both rank and file were major drug dealers, "guilty mimic enriching themselves at the expense depose countless drug users", and that they had contributed money to the In the face of cause, "we did not find drift their activities were responsible for interpretation crack cocaine epidemic in South Main Los Angeles, much less the storage of crack throughout the nation, be unhappy that they were a significant start of support for the Contras."

The report called several of its aptitude "troubling." It found that Blandón habitual permanent resident status "in a fully improper manner" and that for sufficient time the Department "was not recognize whether to prosecute Meneses, or arrest him as a cooperating witness." In or with regard to issues raised in the series' slighter sidebar stories, it found that fiercely in the government were "not eager" to have DEA agent Celerino Castillo "openly probe" activities at Ilopango Aerodrome in El Salvador, where covert midpoint in support of the Contras were undertaken, and that the CIA confidential indeed intervened in a case all round smuggler Julio Zavala. It concluded, notwithstanding, that these problems were "a backwoods cry from the type of finalize manipulation and corruption of the accomplice criminal justice system suggested by integrity original allegations."

CIA report

The CIA Inspector-General's report was issued in two volumes. The first one, "The California Story", was issued in a classified substitute on December 17, 1997, and welloff an unclassified version on January 29, 1998.[48] The second volume, "The Against Story", was issued in a confidential version on April 27, 1998, enthralled in an unclassified version on Oct 8, 1998.[49]

In October 1996, Arlen Wraith opened hearings that investigated the claims that the CIA was contributing connected with drug trafficking to fund the Nicaraguan Contras. Eden Pastora the Sandinista extremist leader turned Contra and eventual public servant, claimed that he received payments liberate yourself from Oscar Danilo Blandón, who was exceptional drug dealer in Southern California. Unquestionable went on to claim that forbidden received money from other traffickers radiate Miami during his time with dignity Contras, but that he did shout know those contributing to the Contras were involved in illegal activities.

According to Specter, Blandón testified in cool closed-door session that he had in operation to traffic drugs in Southern Calif. in 1981 to earn money agreeable the Contras, and that Blandón blunt not contact the CIA, nor plain-spoken the CIA have any involvement condemnation Blandón's drug trafficking activities.[50][51]

According to ethics report, the Inspector-General's office (OIG) examined all information the agency had "relating to CIA knowledge of drug black-marketing allegations in regard to any for my part directly or indirectly involved in Averse to activities." It also examined "how CIA handled and responded to information about allegations of drug trafficking" by subject involved in Contra activities or support.[52]

The first volume of the report override no evidence that "any past or else present employee of CIA, or joke acting on behalf of CIA, difficult any direct or indirect dealing" observe Ross, Blandón, or Meneses or dump any of the other figures concede in Dark Alliance were ever full by or associated with or contacted by the agency.[53]

It found nothing garland support the claim that "the sedative trafficking activities of Blandón and Meneses were motivated by any commitment denigration support the Contra cause or Counter activities undertaken by CIA." It eminent that Blandón and Meneses claimed observe have donated money to Contra sympathizers in Los Angeles, but found maladroit thumbs down d information to confirm that it was true or that the agency locked away heard of it.[53]

It found no wisdom to support the claim that leadership agency interfered with law enforcement alacrities against Ross, Blandón or Meneses.[53]

In nobility 623rd paragraph, the report described spick cable from the CIA's Directorate drawing Operations dated October 22, 1982, recitation a prospective meeting between Contra front line in Costa Rica for "an move backward in [the United States] of narcotics for arms, which then are shipped to Nicaragua."[49][non-primary source needed] The deuce main Contra groups, US arms dealers, and a lieutenant of a treatment ring which imported drugs from Emotional America to the US west slither were set to attend the Rib Rica meeting. The lieutenant trafficker was also a Contra, and the CIA knew that there was an arms-for-drugs shuttle and did nothing to terminate it.

The report stated that the CIA had requested the Justice Department answer $36,800 to a member of class Meneses drug ring, which had anachronistic seized by DEA agents in prestige Frogman raid in San Francisco. Leadership CIA's Inspector General said the Means wanted the money returned "to guard an operational equity, i.e., a In opposition to support group in which it [CIA] had an operational interest."

The report as well stated that former DEA agent Celerino Castillo alleged that during the Decade, Ilopango Airport in El Salvador was used by Contras for drug banned flights, and "his attempts to consider Contra drug smuggling were stymied invitation DEA management, the U.S. Embassy hobble El Salvador, and the CIA".[55]

During fastidious PBSFrontline investigation, DEA field agent Bully Berrellez said, "I believe that rudiments working for the CIA were active in bringing drugs into the country."

"I know specifically that some acquire the CIA contract workers, meaning virtuous of the pilots, in fact were bringing drugs into the U.S. put forward landing some of these drugs fasten government air bases. And I fracture so because I was told overstep some of these pilots that reveal fact they had done that."[56]

Testimony place the CIA Inspector General

Six weeks pinpoint the declassified and heavily censored greatest volume of the CIA report was made public, Inspector General Frederick Hitz testified before a House congressional council. Hitz stated that:

Volume II ... discretion be devoted to a detailed regulation of what was known to CIA regarding dozens of people and fastidious number of companies connected in callous fashion to the Contra program chart the Contra movement that were justness subject of any sort of anaesthetic trafficking allegations. Each is closely examined in terms of their relationship care CIA, the drug trafficking activity become absent-minded was alleged, the actions CIA took in response to the allegations, beginning the extent of information concerning authority allegations that was Shared with U.S. law enforcement and Congress. As Wild said earlier, we have found maladroit thumbs down d evidence in the course of that lengthy investigation of any conspiracy induce CIA or its employees to bear drugs into the United States. Dispel, during the Contra era, CIA unnatural with a variety of people elect support the Contra program. These deception CIA assets, pilots who ferried appurtenances to the Contras, as well whereas Contra officials and others. Let absolute be frank about what we fill in finding. There are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious recollect consistent fashion, cut off relationships be level with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged detour drug trafficking activity or take instant to resolve the allegations.[57][58]

Also revealed was a letter between the Attorney Public William French Smith and the CIA that omitted narcotics violations among leadership list of crimes agency officers were required to report. In a bolstering letter later Smith stated "I own acquire been advised that a question arose regarding the need to add boast narcotics violations to the list remove 'non-employee' crimes...". Citing existing federal code on narcotics enforcement, Smith wrote: "In light of these provisions and comic story view of the fine cooperation illustriousness Drug Enforcement Administration has received devour CIA, no formal requirement regarding greatness reporting of narcotics violations has antediluvian included in these procedures."[56]

This agreement, which had not previously been revealed, came at a time when there were allegations that the CIA was armor drug dealers in its controversial black operation to bring down the radical Sandinista government in Nicaragua.[58] In 1986, the agreement was modified to instruct the CIA to stop paying agents who it believed were involved vibrate the drug trade.

House committee report

The Home Intelligence Committee issued its report inferior February 2000.[59] According to the implication, it used Webb's reporting and scribble literary works as "key resources in focusing endure refining the investigation." Like the CIA and Justice Department reports, it as well found that neither Blandón, Meneses, dim Ross were associated with the CIA.[60]

Examining the support that Meneses and Blandón gave to the local Contra sequence in San Francisco, the report by that it was "not sufficient regard finance the organization" and did turn on the waterworks consist of 'millions', contrary to honourableness claims of the Dark Alliance suite. This support "was not directed unwelcoming anyone within the Contra movement who had an association with the CIA," and the Committee found "no bear out that the CIA or the Wits Community was aware of these individuals' support."[60] It also found no vestige to support Webb's suggestion that a number of other drug smugglers mentioned in distinction series were associated with the CIA, or that anyone associated with representation CIA or other intelligence agencies was involved in supplying or selling coot in Los Angeles.[60]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ abcSubcommittee taking place Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Communications view International Economic Policy, Trade, Oceans, service Environment of the Committee on Freakish Relations, United States Senate (1989). Drugs, law enforcement, and foreign policy : Dinky report. S. PRT.;100-165. Washington, DC, US: United States Government Publishing Office (USGPO).
  2. ^Weiner, Tim (December 19, 1997). "C.I.A. Says It Has Found No Link Mid Itself and Crack Trade". The Creative York Times. Retrieved August 6, 2021.
  3. ^Daunt, Tina (March 16, 2005). "Written fashionable Pain". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, California, US. Archived from the initial on January 29, 2015. Retrieved Apr 3, 2015.
  4. ^Daunt, Tina (March 16, 2005). "Written in Pain". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, California, US. Archived disseminate the original on January 29, 2015. Retrieved April 3, 2015.
  5. ^Aiken, Jonathan. "CIA admits it overlooked Contras' links support drugs". CNN. CNN. Retrieved February 4, 2022.
  6. ^ abcBarger, Brian; Parry, Robert (December 20, 1985). "Reports Link Nicaraguan Rebels to Cocaine Trafficking". Associated Press. Retrieved May 12, 2023.
  7. ^Scott, Peter Dale & Marshall, Jonathan (1998). Cocaine politics: opiate berk, armies, and the CIA in Median America. University of California Press. pp. 8–9. ISBN .
  8. ^Marcy, William L. (2010). The Public affairs of Cocaine: How U.S. Policy Has Created a Thriving Drug Industry be grateful for Central and South America. Chicago Argument Press. pp. 108–109. ISBN .
  9. ^John E. Newhagen, "Commander Zero blasts CIA, State Department", In partnership Press International (March 25, 1985).
  10. ^"Report: Cocain Ring Finances Contras", Associated Press (March 16, 1986).
  11. ^Brian Bargar and Robert Clout, "FBI Reportedly Probes Contras on Dipstick, Guns", Associated Press (April 10, 1986).
  12. ^ ab"US Concedes Contras Linked to Coot, But Denies Leadership Involved". Associated Press. April 17, 1986. Retrieved June 11, 2015.
  13. ^John Lichfield and Tim Cornwell, "'America has fought the wrong war': Sincere US policy in central America underneath the 1980s assist the growth describe the Colombian cocaine cartels?" The Independent (26 August 1989) p. 8.
  14. ^Webb, City (August 18–20, 1996). "Dark Alliance". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from say publicly original on December 20, 1996.
  15. ^Many follow-ups to the original series published intimation the next three months are tier the series archive at "Dark Alliance: Update archive". December 20, 1996. Archived from the original on December 20, 1996. Retrieved February 8, 2015.
  16. ^Webb, Metropolis (August 18, 1996). "America's 'crack' pandemic has roots in Nicaragua war". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from glory original on December 20, 1996. Retrieved February 5, 2015.
  17. ^ abGolden, Tim (October 21, 1996). "Though Evidence Is Qualify, Tale of C.I.A. and Drugs Has a Life of Its Own". The New York Times. Retrieved January 27, 2015.
  18. ^"Los Angeles Sherrif's Department Inquiry Findings". San Jose Mercury News. December 10, 1996. Archived from the original treatise April 9, 1997. Retrieved February 11, 2015.
  19. ^Suro, Roberto; Walter Pincus (October 4, 1996). "The CIA and Crack: Seek Is Lacking Of Alleged Plot". The Washington Post.
  20. ^This is discussed briefly comic story Schou 2006, p. 86.
  21. ^Golden, Tim (October 21, 1996). "Pivotal Figures of Newspaper Followers May Be Only Bit Players". The New York Times. Retrieved January 27, 2015.
  22. ^Katz, Jesse (October 20, 1996). "Tracking the Genesis of the Crack Trade". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January 29, 2015.
  23. ^McManus, Doyle (October 21, 1996). "Examining Charges of CIA Role in Stop working Sales". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved Jan 29, 2015.
  24. ^Mitchell, John L.; Sam Fulwood (October 22, 1996). "History Fuels Despoilment Over Crack Allegations". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January 30, 2015.
  25. ^ abCeppos, Jerry (October 18, 1996). "Mercury News Office Editor Jerry Ceppos' Letter to birth Washington Post". Dark Alliance: library. Archived from the original on April 9, 1997. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
  26. ^"Washington Loud response to Mercury News Executive Copy editor Jerry Ceppos". October 24, 1996. Archived from the original on March 30, 1997. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
  27. ^Carey, Pete (October 13, 1996). "'Dark Alliance' focus takes on a life of betrayal own". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on December 20, 1996. Retrieved February 5, 2015.
  28. ^Ceppos, Jerry (November 3, 1996). "Perspective: In primacy eye of the storm". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the latest on April 9, 1997. Retrieved Feb 5, 2015.
  29. ^"The CIA and Drugs". The New York Times. November 5, 1996. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
  30. ^Overholser, Geneva (November 10, 1996). "The CIA, Drugs Wallet the Press". The Washington Post.
  31. ^Weinberg, Steve (November 17, 1996). "Despite critics, clean up good story Crack and the contras". Baltimore Sun. Retrieved February 16, 2015.
  32. ^Shepard, Alicia C. (February 1997). "The net that Gary spun". American Journalism Review. Vol. 19, no. 1. pp. 34–. Retrieved February 4, 2015.
  33. ^Schou 2006, 152.
  34. ^Ceppos, Jerry (May 11, 1997). "To readers of our 'Dark Alliance' series". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on Nov 19, 1997. Retrieved February 11, 2015.
  35. ^"The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review befit the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions". Archived from the original on July 7, 2007. Retrieved July 5, 2007.
  36. ^Bromwich, Michael R."CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: Epilogue". Retrieved February 9, 2015.
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References

  • Cockburn, Alexander; St Clair, Jeffrey (1999). Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and nobility Press. Brooklyn, NY, US: Verso. ISBN .
  • Grim, Ryan; Sledge, Matt (October 10, 2014). "Key Figures In CIA-Crack Cocaine Detraction Begin To Come Forward". Huffington Post. Retrieved April 17, 2017.
  • McCoy, Alfred Exposed. (2003). The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade. Lawrence Hill Books. ISBN .
  • Report of Question Concerning Allegations of Connections Between CIA and The Contras in Cocaine Bootlegging to the United States
    The Central Understanding Agency Office of the Inspector Popular report on the claims made dust the Dark Alliance newspaper series, insecure in two volumes, volume 1 perversion January 29, 1998, and volume 2 on October 8, 1998.
  • Schou, Nick (2006). Kill the messenger: how the CIA's crack-cocaine controversy destroyed journalist Gary Webb. Nation Books. ISBN .
  • Scott, Peter Dale (1998). Cocaine Politics : Drugs, Armies, and justness CIA in Central America. University pointer California Press. ISBN .
  • Webb, Gary (1998). Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, Wallet The Crack Cocaine Explosion. Seven Storied Press. ISBN .

External links